The article “Overthrow, but how and with what perspective?” has raised questions for the friend. His questions and “Against Capital’s” initial short answers to them are below.
1 – The problem of “production”; who decides what to produce? Suppose the factories were taken over by workers’ councils.
The next question is: how much steel to produce? how much medicine? how much bread? where to get the raw materials? who decides which factories to develop? if a factory is unprofitable, should it be closed or kept going? In a market economy, prices and profits convey this information to some extent. In the proposed system, there must be a very powerful alternative mechanism for economic planning.
The text says, “the councils plan”, but it does not specify the details of this planning.
2 – Eliminating money does not solve the problem by itself. Suppose food, housing, internet, medical care, etc. were made free. But resources are limited. For example, if in a city: 1000 empty apartments and 5000 families need housing, who decides who gets which house? Or if a medicine is scarce: who determines the priority of receiving it? When price and money are eliminated, we must have another way to allocate scarce resources. And this part is one of the most difficult problems of this model
3. The risk of creating a new bureaucracy This is perhaps one of the most important contradictions. The goal of the text is to take power from the government and give it to people’s councils. But a large economy needs coordination. For example: steel plant → mine → railway → electricity → ports → trucks → car factory is all interdependent. So, there must be a coordination system. If this system becomes too powerful, a powerful council bureaucracy may be created instead of the “capitalist state”. That is, the name of the government will change but the concentration of power will return.
4. The Problem of Motivation If private income and property are largely eliminated, an important question arises: Why should someone spend 10 years becoming an engineer, doctor, or specialist and accept heavy responsibility? If everyone has roughly equal access to goods, other incentives must be created: expertise, innovation, hard work, responsibility, dangerous or unpleasant work. The text focuses more on freedom from exploitation and less on explaining what alternative motivational mechanisms are.
5 – The issue of foreign trade A modern country cannot live completely apart from the world. For example, Iran needs some commodities:
Industrial parts, machinery, chips, medicine and raw materials, technology, medical equipment. If the domestic economy becomes completely without money and markets, a very important question arises: How do we trade with other capitalist countries? If they say, “We want goods and we will give money in return,” how will the system without domestic money interact with them?
6 – “Expropriation” can destroy production. The text says that factories and stores are taken from the owners of capital. The problem is that ownership and management are two different things. We may leave aside the owner of a factory, but: the manager, engineer, accountant, supply chain specialist, technician, technical knowledge, are still needed. If the transfer of ownership occurs without a detailed management plan, production may decrease and the result will be a shortage of goods and inflation or rationing.
7 – The problem of political power in this section is even more important to me than the economy. The text says: “The power will be in the hands of the workers’ councils.”
Well, what if a political group opposes these councils? If someone says: “I want a capitalist society.” Is he allowed to be politically active? If yes, capitalism may return. If not, society will enter into political restriction. Therefore, a council society must specify exactly: what are the rights of the minority? What is freedom of speech? What are the elections like? What rights do the opposition have? Who controls the councils? Who controls the councils themselves? The text is very general in this section.
8 – The problem of “who represents the workers?” Let’s assume that the councils are formed. Who is the real representative of the workers?
For example, in a factory with 10,000 employees: should 6,000 people vote? 500? Should the representatives be dismissible? Should there be direct voting? How many councils should be held together? If there is no precise answer, more organized people can take over the councils.
9 – The risk of violence and collapse This part of the text is very radical. When it says: “We will stop the cycle of work and production”
and “we will seize the work canters and shops” in practice there is a possibility of conflict with the government, business owners and even parts of the population. It does not matter what we want; what matters is what we do and what will get us there.
If the government collapses at the same time, problems such as:
Food shortages + electricity disruptions + transportation disruptions + flight of capital and specialists + insecurity
may arise.
So, the gap between “economic revolution” and “economic collapse” can be very narrow.
10. The biggest problem in my opinion: the text assumes “the next day” too simply
I think this is the main weakness.
The text is very clear about what it is against:
Capitalism, the state, wage labour, capitalist property, money, etc.
But it gives much less detail about how to run the complex economy of a country of 80–90 million the next day.
For example:
Who manages the oil?
Who generates the electricity?
Who sets the price/quantity of consumption?
Who does the importing?
Who replaces the taxes?
Who funds the hospital?
Who decides to invest $10 billion in a factory?
Who resolves the dispute between two councils?
These are not small issues; they are the very backbone of a modern economy.
Answer Against Capital
Dearest Friends!
We value and welcome questions with great enthusiasm. But let us first of all, very earthly, sincere and unadulterated, present this fundamental objection that instead of starting from the beginning and on the earth of life, work, campaign, the harsh realities around, you have suddenly started asking questions on the fastest, jets from the end, from the world above, from the world that is to be established. This is academic, scholastic and metaphysical work. What is sought and the content of your questions is the society that is to be created and what has been completely forgotten is the movement that is the creative force, the architect, the thinker, the stone-laying and all-rounder of this magnificent social, human edifice. The subject of your questions and millions of other questions of this kind are the works that are carried out with the resourcefulness, the solution, the fieldwork and the role-playing of this movement. It was therefore right to start with this force, this movement, this anti-power responsible for solving the problems reflected in the questions. Our point of departure is the life, work and campaign of tens of millions of working people in the capitalist hell of Iran and several billion workers all over the planet. Humans who have created a galaxy of capital, wealth, the source and origin of birth, the growth of powers, sovereignty, possibilities, knowledge, achievements of industry and technology and everything, but over 60 percent of them are on the verge of falling out of existence under the pressure of absolute poverty. They do not have the strength to die, they are hungry, they lack clean drinking water, they are deprived of the most basic facilities of medicine and treatment, every storm takes the lives of thousands of them, they are sleeping in the grave, oppressed, cursed and downtrodden. Every protest they make is shelled; every voice they make is suffocated. We move from the depths of the lives of these hellish people; we look at their past and present. Generation after generation has fought and fought again, launching the greatest rebellions. They have overthrown a large number of regimes and blown them up in the most glorious revolutions. Not only have they not achieved any results from all these campaigns, strikes, uprisings, and revolutions, but their separation from their work, their exclusion from any level of intervention in the fate of their work, production, and life has become explosively deepened, more catastrophic, and more unbearable. In such a situation, what is crushing every cell of our being is what should these tens of millions, billions of cursed working people do to get on the path to liberation from this situation? This is the fundamental and vital question ahead. And our answer has always been that the working masses of the world must fundamentally and essentially change the course of their campaign. Everything they have done so far has not been a class struggle against capitalism, but rather a whirlwind of reformism in various forms, whether appeasing or subversive and militant. They must enter the field of anti-wage slavery. The ongoing struggles must assume a class, social, and economic, political content against capitalism. Strategy? solutions? weapons, and equipment of this campaign. If it does so and sets about establishing these strongholds, it will have a movement that will find it easy and simple to realize and carry out all of the blind spots, the important knots in the tangle of changes and developments that you are seeking and questioning. In this way, where do we start, the struggle, the direction, the vision, the strategy, the tactics, the solutions, what should we do? How do we view it is a very decisive and important issue. Let us enter into a dialogue together from here and from this perspective.
The anti-wage labour movement begins with the current state of life, work, and struggle of the working masses. A mass that constitutes more than 80% of the entire population of the hell of wage slavery. In the eyes of this movement, a worker is not defined by a sickle, hammer, saw, pickaxe, axe, and screwdriver. Anyone who is separated from their work and deprived of control over the fate of their work, production, and life is a worker and a member of the 80% working class. Unlike those involved in the democratic, civil, and human rights movements, the activists of this movement, who are empty-handed and in love with changing the bourgeois government model, address the accompanying masses and say: The focus of our campaign from the very beginning, in the first step, is to remove food, clothing, medicine, treatment, water, electricity, gas, the Internet, transportation, and necessities of life from the control of monetary transactions. Any government interference in any aspect of human life, from clothing, common life, relationships between men and women or between girls and boys to belief, culture, and political activity, must be prohibited, domestic work must be abolished, all prisoners must be freed, and all forms of execution must be banned. On the one hand, these demands are the material, tangible, immediate, and vital needs of the working masses, and on the other hand, they have a very powerful charge and are anti-capitalist in nature. They are waging a struggle against the basis of the relationship of buying and selling labour power, the separation of the worker from his work, and the foundation of capital’s dominance over the fate of labour, production, and the lives of workers. They are the roar of the voice that the goal of production should not be profit, but rather a response to the needs of a prosperous, free, and needless life for humanity. They shout that, contrary to all democratic, civil, union, and reformist objections, our war is not about the high and low cost of reproducing labour power. We have no illusions about bringing and taking governments, overthrowing one political regime, and establishing another. We see the root of all the evils of modern humanity in the existence of capitalism. We believe that the lasting fulfilment of every livelihood demand, every measure of freedom, every measure of human rights, every improvement in the environment, and every measure of reduction in gender apartheid depend on a united effort to establish an organized, nationwide council movement. A movement that has the vision of free, conscious, equal, and pervasive control of all human beings over the fate of their work and life and finds the struggle to achieve the lowest level of expectations, demands, and immediate and present goals in the moment, an organic stronghold in the direction of achieving that vision, and makes it the agenda of the campaign. We are not fighting just for freedom of clothing, we are fighting against any form of interference from any government with any model, we are not looking for the problem of the 50 percent female population in less employment, we are demanding the elimination of housework, any kind of economic dependence of women with their spouses or children on their parents. We are not postponing any of these demands to the future, we are beating the drum for their realization today, and to the extent of our success in organizing the masses of our class in the council, we are imposing their achievement on the class enemy, the capitalist class and its state.
The activists of this movement, who are themselves in various ways internal elements of the current and daily struggles of the workers, continue that the realization of these demands depends on the nationwide, soviet, anti-capitalist organization of the broad masses of our class. We must begin to organize our movement, at every stage of the campaign, use our power to impose demands on the capitalist class and its state. We must weaken the enemy to the extent that we grow, we must become stronger ourselves, we must impose greater expectations on the owners of capital and the state, and we must rush forward. The activists of this movement add that in order to achieve our expectations, we must stop the cycle of work and production from rotating, we must challenge the economic, political, civil, cultural, and legal order of capital at all levels. We must take the residential and empty real estate of the capitalists out of their ownership and place them at the disposal of the homeless. We must take the work canters out of the hands of the capitalist class and put them under the control of workers’ councils capable of planning, free from wage slavery. We are pursuing this work on a nationwide level, we are following the path of the nationwide anti-wage labour council movement dominating the entire cycle of work, production, and life. We are taking over chain stores and building distribution canters for the basic necessities of the people without any bargaining.
Dear friends!
Let us focus all our thoughts and efforts on the process of formation, growth, organization, awareness, maturity and victory of this movement. A movement whose role, horizon, approach, strategy and solutions are not bargaining with the ruling beast of capitalism to moderate the pressure of exploitation, make deprivation bearable, reduce greenhouse gases, reduce poverty, reduce the number of deaths from hunger, challenge the terrifying homelessness, stop the incitement of wars that burn humanity, but an organized, conscious, council, capable, planned movement of 80% of the inhabitants of every society and the entire world for a fundamental change in the entire objectivity of existence, the real liberation of man from all the calamities created by capitalism and the establishment of a society and a world freed from every form of exploitation, the existence of classes, the state, freed from every constraint beyond itself. A movement that is the basis for practicing socialization of all human beings and when it speaks of council and council hood, it aims to elevate all individuals to the highest level of capabilities for the most decisive interventions, decisions, policymaking, collective and council planning. A movement that every degree of its prosperity, growth, and victory is the formation, growth, structuring, and further integration of a conscious emancipatory counterpower, a growing alternative to the anti-human capitalist system. A movement that is the manifestation of the resurrection of conscious man to end all the evils of man in the era and pursues the lowest level of struggle, every initial and elementary desire, every direction, every solution, its solution to meet the urgent needs of humans in this direction, homogeneous with this vision. At every stage and every step, this movement, to the extent of its ability, takes its own creations up to now and those of previous generations out of the grip of the rulers and owners of capital and puts them under the control of its planned, nationwide council. You ask:
What is the “production problem”? Who decides what is produced? Suppose the factories fall into the hands of workers’ councils. The next question is: How much steel to produce? How much medicine? How much bread? Where to get the raw materials? Who decides which factories to develop? If a factory is unprofitable, should it be closed or continued? In a market economy, prices and profits convey this information to some extent. In the proposed system, there must be a very powerful alternative mechanism for economic planning. The text says, “the councils plan,” but it does not specify the details of this planning.”
The answer of this movement is very clear and transparent. This same council movement under discussion decides. The movement, which is preparing to become a national movement, sees the seizure of the factory as merely a moment and a step away from a national war against the foundation of wage slavery. It has not taken up the seizure in order to accumulate better than the capitalists!!! Make the company more profitable!!! Make the necessities of production cheaper!!! Increase the competitiveness of the enterprise!! And in this way solve the problems of its employees!!! No! It calls such an attitude and approach a disaster. It has already announced that all the necessities of life of all people must be taken out of the control of buying and selling, and now, as a lever of power in the war against the capitalist beasts and the state, it is taking a capitalist work canter out of the hands of these anti-human forces. This is done by a movement. It is implemented in a close class and anti-capitalist movement with the workers of transport, higher education, research, medicine, treatment, roads and ports and customs, and at the level of a barricade, it pursues all the necessary solutions to preserve it, to turn it into a collapsing embankment. You see that there is a huge difference in essence between your current view of the issue of factory occupation and what is proposed for the anti-capitalist approach and the anti-wage slavery movement. You ask how much steel should we produce? How much bread? How much of other things? Do you really think that it is only capitalists who, in search of greater profits with the help of the capitalist market and the role of supply, demand, wolfish competition, can figure out how much to produce and how much not to produce???!!!! Can’t humans, from within one conscious, free, needless, free from constraints, decide on a nationwide level what to produce and what not to produce, how much to produce and how their creations should be distributed equally, based on their real needs? Decide??
You ask:
“Resources are limited. If a city has 1,000 empty houses but 5,000 families need housing, who decides who gets which house? Or if a medicine is scarce, who decides who gets it first? When price and money are removed, we need another way to allocate scarce resources. And this is one of the hardest parts of this model.”
Friends! In this living and present hell of capitalism in Iran, according to official statistics repeatedly announced by people like the former housing minister, the number of empty houses is greater than the number of houses needed to house the entire homeless population. We will ignore this as well. We have a question, and we hope you will think about it. Currently, over 90 percent of the results of human labour and production are converted into profits and capital for the capitalist class and its government, with only less than ten percent spent on their livelihood, housing, medicine, and everything else. At the global level, we are also witnessing that the total of 4 billion workers on earth is less than the capital of 12 predatory capitalists. Why are you so caught up in this concern that 80 percent of the working population on earth, 80 percent of whom are university graduates, a population that has been able to win or achieve victories in a nationwide, conscious, emancipatory anti-capitalist movement, is even capable of calculating, identifying, and determining how many houses they need? They can’t figure out how to build these houses and how to distribute them???!!! Doesn’t it seem strange to you that you think this way???
You say:
“The risk of creating a new bureaucracy, this is perhaps one of the most important contradictions. The aim of the text is to take power away from the government and give it to the people’s councils. But a large economy needs coordination. For example: steel plant → mining → railway → electricity → ports → trucks → car factory, all are interdependent. So, there must be a coordination system. If this system becomes too powerful, a powerful council bureaucracy may be created instead of the “capitalist state”. That is, the name of the government will change, but the concentration of power will return.”
The foundation of the Council movement is the more conscious, more penetrating, more creative, more free, more vigilant involvement of every human being in advancing the struggle and then in all issues related to planning, decision-making, and implementation in various fields of economy, politics, education, culture, and everything else. The basis of the work here is to end any kind of separation of planning from implementation, policymaking from production, intellectual work from practical work. Everything is articulated on this axis, with this theme and perspective. Here, the political, civil, legal, and economic order are not superhuman phenomena. Individuals are not dissolved and fossilized in the cycle of work and production. The fetishist nature of the commodity, which is the foundation of human objectification and the identification of things, is the target of the radical campaign. If a movement and society are to be able to uproot bureaucracy, this movement and this form of life and society are to be. With all this, we absolutely do not rule out the occurrence and presence of any danger, including bureaucracy. All we are saying is that this movement has the highest capacity to eliminate this invasion, and it is these people who must be committed to confronting all dangers with all their might.
You say:
“The problem of motivation. If private income and property are largely eliminated, an important question arises: Why should someone spend 10 years becoming an engineer, doctor, or specialist and taking on heavy responsibility? If everyone has roughly equal access to goods, other incentives must be created: for expertise, innovation, hard work, responsibility, dangerous or unpleasant work. The text focuses more on freedom from exploitation and less on explaining what alternative motivational mechanisms are.”
This question is very unfortunate. I wish you knew that even in some corners of this hell of capitalist terror and terror, where the labour movement has made some small conquests in periods and has been able to push back a few capitalists and the capitalist system, for example in Scandinavia, first of all, the working class did not even bother to apply for positions such as prime minister, minister, chancellor, or attorney. When the prime minister entered a school, no student saw any difference between him and his neighbour, and in no way did they call him Mr. Minister. They called him by his first name very casually, and the respect they showed him was much less than the respect they showed their classmates. These are the same facts. People did not become engineers or study medicine for the sake of position, rank, and prestige. They were driven solely by their own interest and enthusiasm. A simple policeman stopped the car of the chief of police of the whole country for a kilometre of speeding, introduced him to the media, and the press made the resignation preferable to continuing as president. These are all changes that people found thanks to the role played by the labour movement, thanks to the achievement of the Paris Commune, even in this hell full of the filth and blood of capitalism, and now you ask in a society that is the result of the architecture of a victorious movement of the National Council against wage slavery, if the status, rights, and glory of an engineer are ignored, why should he become an engineer or a doctor???!!! The whole problem is that you currently have no knowledge of the labour movement against wage labour and its capacity to create change.
You say:
“The issue of foreign trade. A modern country cannot live completely apart from the world. For example, Iran needs some goods: industrial parts, machinery, chips, medicine and raw materials, technology, medical equipment. If the domestic economy becomes completely without money and markets, a very important question arises: how do we trade with other capitalist countries? If they say, “We want goods and we will give money in return,” how will the system without domestic money interact with them?”
This is certainly a debatable point. But the answer is not complicated. The question is based on the assumption that the working masses of a country, within the organized all anti-wage labour movement, will overthrow the state of capital itself, end the state in any form, and begin to establish a society without wage labour and the state. It is absolutely certain and assumed that the victorious soviet movement must maintain its connection with all other places and parts of the world, including all the necessary economic transactions. There is no doubt about this. It is also absolutely obvious that such transactions are carried out on the basis of the law of value and within the framework of the laws, mechanisms, and functions of the capitalist world market. This means that a society liberated from capitalist domination must sell products and services that are surplus to its needs and buy its necessities with the currency obtained. As long as the working masses of other countries are not able to destroy capitalism, there is no other option before a society liberated from the domination of capital. Money and trade within the country lose their relevance, but the need for international economic transactions remains, and it can be easily solved. The question certainly arises, and it is quite right that it should arise, what if the octopus’ powers of capitalism resort to all sorts of intrigues to overthrow and defeat the workers’ revolution against wage labour? We emphasize that it is a valid question, but no intelligent worker, out of fear of such a danger, decides to preserve capitalism and continue wage slavery. Instead of such stupidity, he turns to all solutions, to find solutions, to challenge the problem, to get out of the way, and to continue on his way.
You say:
“Takeover” can destroy production. The text says that factories and stores are taken from the owners of capital. The problem is that ownership and management are two different things. We may leave aside the owner of a factory, but: the manager, engineer, accountant, supply chain specialist, technician, technical knowledge, are still necessary. If the transfer of ownership occurs without a detailed management plan, production may decrease and the result will be shortages of goods and inflation or rationing.
You should not worry at all about the destruction of production. The foundation of capitalism is based on the destruction of production. Production for profit, for the production of more and more cosmic capital, the removal of man from any degree of intervention in the fate of his products, the removal of these products from the sphere of will and decision and planning and recognition of the needs of the producers, the conversion of trillions of dollars of the result of the work of direct producers into the capital of 12 predatory, world-eating, man-killing capitalists. If this is not the destruction of production, then what is it??? And what another name can be given to it??!!
But in answer to your question, we know very well that ownership and management are two different things. This separation occurred from the very first periods of capitalism’s growth and is not at all new. Of course, as time has passed, it has become more widespread, larger, and more capital oriented. What the victorious organized movement for the abolition of wage labour, or even in the process of the campaign, in proportion to the victories it achieves, orders to implement, is absolutely not to dismiss, unemployed, brainwashed, outcast, and put some engineers, technicians, and supply chain specialists in their place for the crime of “being a tyrant,” “remnants of the old system,” or even capitalists!! This is the work of the bourgeoisie, not the work of the workers who are the standard-bearers of human liberation!! I wish you would pay attention that communism is not just a workers’ liberation movement, nor is its audience just workers. The communism of the abolition of wage labour of the proletariat is a manifesto addressed to humanity, a manifesto for human liberation. It is not going to depose some, appoint others, humiliate a group and make a group dear!!! The movement for the abolition of wage labour of the working masses, instead of these barbarities, stands on the heights of its universal soviet structure, which consists of all people and is united in basic soviets, commune soviets and the general congress of Councils. From the depths of the current life of all residents of society, who are all members of the soviets, it determines, based on the most accurate, measured and reliable data, what should be produced and what should not be produced, how much of what is necessary should be produced, and it does this based on the latest findings of human knowledge about health, growth, prosperity, development, paving the way for physical and mental human excellence, ensuring human equality and all transcendent human criteria. The basis of the work of this movement is that people, based on their own desire, interest, recognition and knowledge, learn any specialty they want, and provide this specialization to society in any amount of working time they choose. The movement to abolish wage labour is a call to humanity to have all knowledge and expertise based on their own interests and judgments. However, all of these trainings, knowledge, and expertise are for humans, humanity, and are in the service of humanity, not to satisfy the commercial, profit-seeking, and degenerate market opportunism. With these characteristics, capacities, and abilities, this movement will eliminate the problem raised in your question and sweep away any other problem of this kind from the fabric of human life. Our most sincere advice, emphasis, request, and suggestion is that you begin to understand this movement as deeply as possible.
You say:
“The problem of political power in this section is even more important to me than the economy. The text says: “The power will be taken by the workers’ councils.”
Well, what if a political group opposes these councils? If someone says: “I want a capitalist society.” Is he allowed to be politically active? If yes, capitalism may return. If not, society will enter into political restriction. So, a council society must specify exactly: what are the rights of minorities? What is freedom of speech? What are the elections like? What rights do the opposition have? Who controls the councils? Who controls the councils themselves? The text is very general in this part.”
The victorious anti-wage labour Council movement of the working masses does not deprive any former capitalist, any former capitalist statesman, any staunch defender and guardian of the wage slavery system of any right, let alone this or that opposition group. What this movement demands from these individuals, groups, organizations, and parties is that they should ultimately be free to carry out any activity they deem necessary. If they wish to be present and participate in the ongoing, comprehensive, and ubiquitous process of deliberations, discussions, decisions, criticisms, and research of the soviet society, they should be present with all equal rights without any distinction from any other human being and should ultimately be free to express whatever they want, any criticism, protest, anger, or rage. In terms of livelihood, welfare, any freedom, or social right, they will be no different from any other person. If they are against any kind of participation in the decision-making process, consultations, planning, policymaking, and boycott any form of cooperation, they still not only have all the economic, welfare, political, and social rights to form a party and any other social activity, but they also receive all the necessary facilities from the councils to further develop their activities. One thing remains, if these opponents are determined and decide with firm will, like ISIS, Taliban, Shahi, Mossad, Netanyahu, Pentagon, White House, Islamic Republic, they start killing people. This is the only “right” that will be taken away from them. We also know that at that time all the rebellious and noisy tribunes of global capitalism will fill the entire horizons, that using weapons to achieve the goal is also a clear right of humans and is at the top of the sanctities of human rights. But no honourable person agrees with issuing a license to this or that group to kill people. Leaving aside this particular case, there are no other restrictions on any opponent of a soviet society free from wage labour, classes, and the state. You say, well, they are re-establishing capitalism with their free activity. We do not think so. The tens of millions of workers who won the organized soviet movement for the abolition of wage labour did not overthrow the ruling bourgeoisie through a military coup. They have fought for many years for the establishment of a soviet society without wage labour, the state, and classes; they have not been a world of democratic overthrow, they have not fought for the reform and refinement of capitalism. The demands and expectations have been on the agenda, and their realization depends on the promotion of awareness, knowledge, thought, ability to find solutions, capacity for intervention, capacity for fieldwork and role-playing, changing culture and social and moral values, methods of planning, changing from being wage slaves to free people capable of liberating themselves. The nurturers, the educated, and the fighters in this movement are not willing to surrender what they have gained and established for free to a mafia defending capitalism.
Other questions We think that the above questions are a repetition, and if we continue, we will also fall into repetition. For now, we will be content with this. We call for continued dialogue, companionship, common thinking, empathy, and comradeship with the utmost enthusiasm. We recommend that you look at the sites “The Face of Socialism” and “Against Capitalism.” Each of these sites, especially the former, contains many books and articles that deal in detail with the content of your questions. Among them, we will mention here a few more compact, shorter texts.
Articles: The Proletariat and the Process of the Anti-Capitalist Revolution — The Proletariat and the Conscious Practice of Anti-Capitalism — Workers’ Councils Against Wage Labor
Books: Socialism, Economics, Politics
Workers Against Capitalism
August 2026