Workers all over the world are forced to struggle with capitalism. A struggle that manifests itself in various forms of strikes, civil campaigns, street demonstrations, and nationwide uprisings, around various demands ranging from wage increases, improved living standards, welfare, and reduced working hours to political freedoms, civil rights, a change in the model of government, and the overthrow of the ruling political regime. All these struggles, regardless of their variety of forms, social content, areas of occurrence, scope or levels of intensity, can ultimately be divided into two categories. They revolve around the arrangement and refinement of capitalism, or they are oriented towards the destruction of the system, the establishment of a free human society, free from wage slavery, classes, the state, any power. The task of the first category of struggles is clear; the end and consequence are the fall into the situation we are witnessing. The discussion about getting out of the vicious cycle of these campaigns, whether peaceful or militant, is to replace them with an anti-wage labour movement. The first point here, in this orientation, is that the force of the new approach or movement that is supposed to go, branch out, and pull the leaves are the same workers who are immersed in the beliefs of reforming the capitalist system in reformist or overthrown ways. They are not newly emerging entities. The place where they want the new movement, with its strategy, solutions, demands, and new vision, to triumph, is the same old arenas and venues. What has changed is not these but the radical critical break of a few workers from the beliefs, approaches, and praxis of the past. People who are a handful, perhaps even more than a few. Their criticism of the traditions, analyses, strategies, and tactics of the past did not fall from the sky, but rather boiled from the ground of life, the process of previous campaigns, from the broken and collapsed faults of the current movement over many years. The only difference between them and the vast mass of the same chain is that they have criticized the ideological ossification of the nature of capital, which has enslaved the twentieth century and dominated the labour movement and caused catastrophic historical failures. They have upgraded the achievements of the criticism to new strategies, methods, and solutions for the class struggle. They have pursued this work in various areas of the social life of the working class. In this regard, they are trying to replace the decadent reformist demand that dominates the current working-class movement with a liberating class struggle against wage slavery. Their work is the most difficult class campaign in the entire history of human life. It is not an exaggeration that realism is based on material knowledge rooted in history. Its clear and accurate understanding is within the power of those who have analysed and known capitalism with the Marxs light of political economy critique. The long-term cancerous, dense and all-pervading dominance of reformism in various forms of peaceful or coercive appeasement over the global labour movement is by no means the product of the physical suppression of this movement by the capitalist class and its governments. It has nothing to do with the “trade unionist nature”!! The labour movement has nothing to do with it. This terrible, fatal fetishist domination is in its dominant aspect the product of the inversion and engineering of thoughts inherent in the nature of capitalism. A force that, with the commodification of the product of labour and the growth of commodity production in the form of “the objectification of man, the personalization of commodities,” took the course of human life under its influence, but its scope, pressure, dimensions of influence, and destructiveness were in no way comparable to the era of domination of this system before the development of capitalism began, and could not be.
Slavery also revolved around the growth and expansion of commodity production. But the slave was not a fossilized, mutated, and dissolved being in the commodity transactions of his day. His/her submission, subjugation, and obedience to the master did not show respect for the principles, laws, or written or unwritten contracts of his/her time. His/her entire existence was in the possession of the slave owner. With all his/her existence, he/she was bought and sold as a commodity, but his obedience to the master was not defined by the thought, belief, culture, or morality born of the commodity economy. The terrible blows of the whip, the fear of the unbearable pain of the whip, the urgent need for the power of immortality that forced him to surrender to the slave owner, his senses, thoughts, personality, intellectual, physical, individual, and social existence were not shaped by the ideology produced by the commodity, but by an atmosphere full of terror and need. In the absence of these two crude material elements of domination, the slave did not see any other important reason to accept the orders of the slave owner.
The slave was not a fossilized cookie-cutter in the mined destinies of the commodity; the commodity relations did not play the role of an all-powerful god ruling his fate. What made him completely submissive was not the power of the commodity fetish but the thunder of the master’s wrath, the inescapable need for a morsel of food. The slave was aware that he was a slave, a property, forcibly enslaved. Everything he did was for the master and in the service of his owner’s pleasure, comfort, arrogance and disgusting power. According to Marx, he saw even the part of his work that was spent on his livelihood as unpaid work for the slaveholder. In other words, he considered even this part of his work to be completely forced, oppressive work.
The above points were more or less true for serfs, peasants, and serfs from the beginning of the Middle Ages onwards, in various forms of feudalism, in different parts of the world. The vast masses of peasants and serfs in the West, the East, and every other part of the globe had quite significant differences in terms of their dissolution in the cycle of work or the current and dominant social order, compared to what we witness in the capitalist era and in the case of the working class. In the serfdom system, serfs were bought and sold along with the land, the land and they were traded together as commodities between the seller and the buyer, but this exchange of equal values did not prevent his consciousness from recognizing his position as a being subject to exploitation and lacking the right to interfere in the fate of his work. It did not enchant him to the extent that it seemed as if he himself had been a free, determined, and passionate agent of this transaction!! On the contrary, he/she saw property, sovereignty, force on the one hand, and hunger, misery, and necessity on the other as the all-pervasive agents of this dirty, unjust exchange. The peasant was even aware of the minutes of the distribution of the products of his labour, how much of it belonged to him/her, how much went to the feudal lord, the financial aristocracy, the usurer, the lords of the church, or any other religious aristocracy. He/she knew which days of the week he worked for himself and which days of the week he sweated and toiled for the feudal lords. He also saw the place of his exploitation as separate from the place where his work served the livelihood of his family, and he was aware of this separation. It was under the clear influence of these harsh material conditions that the peasant movements of the Middle Ages, for example in Iranian society, entered the field in many places with the crushing slogan “The land belongs to those who cultivate it.” The loud and resounding cry of the peasants was that land, water, waterfalls, and all natural resources were no one’s private property, they belonged to everyone. They were the ones who dug aqueducts with sickles, hammers, shovels, and tools of their own making, dammed large and small rivers, directed water to the fields, and turned the land into gardens and places for cultivation. The produce should also belong to them. The peasants, in general, called the feudal lords’ usurpers, oppressors, and bloodthirsty, and fought to get rid of them and refuse to pay rent, and they launched massive uprisings.
Commodity production can only become the dominant mode of production in countries and the world during the expansion and continuation of capitalism. On this basis, the commodity relations of the era of slavery or various forms of feudalism lacked the necessary power for any degree of organic domination over the labour process, thought, culture, belief, morality, traditions, behaviour, social values, and civil and political life of humans. Even with the emergence of capitalism, as long as absolute surplus value determined the only form of surplus value production, as long as the “subordination of labour to capital” was purely “formal”, despite its obvious differences with the previous era of commodity production, the dimensions of capital’s dominance over the labour process and, consequently, the limits of its domination over various aspects of the worker’s social life were still limited. But from this time, during the period of “primitive accumulation”, both the “formal subordination” of labour to capital becomes pregnant with “real subordination”, and the dynamics of capital’s domination over various aspects of the worker’s social life and the dissolution of wage earners in the cycle of labour and the valorisation of capital begin to expand and deepen. While the worker was forced to sell his labour power in order to survive for himself and his family, he was deluded into feeling free and autonomous!! He/she fell into the delusion that his work was voluntary!! And he/she was the one who chose! He/she considered the permission to sell his/her labour power to one capitalist and to avoid being sold to another capitalist as “free choice”!! With the meagre wages he received, he saved his hungry family from death by starvation and saw this very level of bread-making as his ascension to the throne of honour!! What he/she received for his/her hard work was not enough to buy the most essential necessities of his day, but since he could decide which items of his life he would buy and which he would not, he fell into the abyss of a feeling of freedom, of having power, of the authority to exercise an independent and overwhelming will!! By selling his/her labour power as a commodity and receiving money from the owner of capital, he/she considered himself/herself in an equal position and equal rights with the capitalist!! He/she saw himself/herself as his own master and in control of the fate of his work, his/her life!!
These illusions, calculations, and insinuations were, without exception, illusory, false, unreal, they demonstrated the self-deception, the enchantment of the worker, a fatal self-deception that capital injected into the worker’s consciousness and cognition, not by police or military force, not by means of the forces of murder and physical repression, but by economic force, from within the relationship of buying and selling labour power. It polluted and poisoned his brain, senses, thought, belief, everything. All this occurred at a time when the subjugation of labour by capital was still formal. Absolute surplus value determined the dominant form of production of surplus value. As soon as capital set out to become capitalism, when it dug the tunnel of surplus value production in the form of relative surplus value, when the formal subordination of labour to capital gave way to real subordination, the process of dissolution, of the worker’s “annihilation into capital” also gained momentum. With the development of the capitalist division of labour and the beginning of the period that Marx calls “cooperation,” the development of cooperation into factory production induced the entire collective productive power of workers, the productive power of capital. Hundreds or thousands of workers gathered under one roof, but the material meaning of their gathering under a single roof was the explosion of any degree of free human solidarity and unity. Collective labour led to the capitalist’s ever greater economy in tools, a process that reduced the cost of capital formation in both its constant and variable components and necessarily increased the volume of surplus value for the owner of capital. All the values were created by the worker, but he produced them in ever greater quantities. His/her own contribution became more insignificant, his role and presence in the creation of values and capital became more lost, more invisible, and more and more denied. Factory production brought the labour process under the control of the octopus of capital; the worker became a buried cog in the cycle of capital’s value creation. In this regard, his existence became more buried, humbler, and the denial became more terrible. Capital forced the mass of workers to compete and kill each other. A painful competition and rivalry that only made capital more powerful, its surplus values more abundant, and the worker weaker and more miserable. With the advent and development of machine industry, this whole process, in favour of capital, to the detriment of the worker, underwent endless chain revolutions. Capital’s dominance over the labour process reached its peak, the worker produced hundreds of times more value than before, but his role in determining the fate of his labour was reduced to nothing, and his share of the values created was reduced thousands of times. He fell more terribly into the abyss of ruin than before, the peak of his existence in the existence of molten capital, devoid of any will, determination, or free human existence. In all the stages of this process, only there and to the extent that he fought with a class conscience against the existence of capital. This is the unchanging honour and nature of capital that if the worker, the subordinate, does not fight against the basis of its existence, it will swallow the worker, the human being, completely and completely, and pass through its digestive tract. The more monstrous, octopus-like capital dominates the labour process, the deeper, more crushing, more profound the worker becomes, separated from his work, and deprived of involvement in the fate of his life. The fatter, more domineering, more independent, the more obedient the former becomes, the thinner, more helpless, weaker, more submissive, the more capital increases its awareness, awareness, creativity, resourcefulness, problem-solving, knowledge, and power, the more firmly and irony the worker locks the shackles of stupidity, foolishness, stupidity, and unconsciousness on his being. The more dominant, the more tyrannical, the more oppressive the capital, the more the worker, the humbler, the more wretched he becomes buried. The actual subjugation of labour by capital, simultaneously with the deeper burial of the worker in the capitalist mass production chain, the process of his freezing, dissolution, and dissolution in the political, civil, legal, cultural, ideological, and social order, has also clothed capital in a reality hundreds of times more painful and catastrophic. The galactic growth of big industry, the role played by financial capital, the position of the stock market, the miracle of the digital sphere, the unbridled rise of labour productivity, the astonishing field of artificial intelligence, all together, increased the magical power of capital in distorting realities, falsifying facts, and the anti-human denial of the existence of the worker as the sole creator of all forms of production, industrial, technical, financial, commercial, and capital-profitable to infinite limits. In the form of profit-making capital, stocks, and the stock market, it denied the basis of the existence of the worker as the creator of values and suggested that “money creates money”!! In the role of artificial intelligence and robots, it even charmed the “leftists” that “fixed capital is the producer of value”!! A deceptive, empty idea that capital had suggested since its emergence and was now trumpeting more shamelessly and more proudly than ever.
With every breath, every moment of its reproduction, capital denies the worker, his creativity, his capital creation, removes from his mind the power of struggle, the capacity to liberate and make history of his class, banishes it from the reach of his intellect.
Capital is not a handful of objects. With the fusion of the means of labour, raw and auxiliary materials on the one hand, the sold labour power on the other is born by the latter and only the latter. Here it comes to life, becomes commodity-capital and money-capital, undertakes a complete long-distance journey, to this extent it has an economic appearance but is a fully-fledged social relationship. A relationship that is the “Big Bang” of existence or the pumping point of the entire economic, class, and social structure of capitalism. The worker is personified by wage labour, the capitalist is personified by capital, and society is the structure of the economy, politics, law, culture, ethics, social values, literature, art, philosophy, education, the thought engineering apparatus and brainwashing of capital. It makes all of these weapons to meet the needs of the cycle of surplus value production, the excessive production of capital, the guardian of the survival of wage slavery, a tool to intensify the exploitation of the working class, a mechanism to impose deprivations, lack of rights, catastrophic discrimination, environmental pollution, the offspring of capital on the working masses. It makes all of these tools of physical violence and intellectual suppression of workers, a weapon to massacre their every free breath, every protest, struggle, rebellion. At the same time, in every cell, the consciousness of humans is sounding the alarm that all of this, the entire civil society with its institutions and organs, is in the service of livelihood, welfare, rights, security, comfort, freedom, equality, intellectual excellence, physical health, pure needlessness, the unbridled human ascension of all “citizens”!! It draws a line under the existence of classes!! It denies the basis of worker exploitation with a terrible whip!! It describes the hell of fear and terror of capitalism as the paradise of civilization, rights, welfare, freedom, equality, free choice, its government as the institution of power for all, its parliament as the seat of the free will of all the inhabitants, its law as the “fortress of fortresses” of human security and comfort, the buying and selling of labour power as an exhibition of miraculous historical equality, and it injects this description into all the channels of life, the arteries of cognition, thought, feeling, perception, and reasoning of the working masses. Reformism, capital hanging, legalism, civility, democracy, love for reforming and embellishing the status quo, efforts to humanize wage slavery!! Democratic revolution, infatuation with changing the governance model of capital and the super-class anti-capitalist regime, the world of capital’s twisted versions of nature, all of it boils, roars, sprouts, and erupts from here, from the depths of the existence of capital, from the depths of the relationship of buying and selling labour power, dissolving the land and time of the working masses’ lives, the space of thought, education, political knowledge, strategy, solution, solution-seeking, attitude, insight, criticism, expectation, ideal, struggle, protest, demands, everything in itself. In this regard, the most terrible, most terrible blow that it inflicts on the working class of the world is the derailment of the current campaign and its class struggle from the track of anti-wage labour, the track of radical opposition to capitalism. A completely dark event that is a clear example of the famous proverb “Whatever rots, they add salt to it – woe to the day when salt rots”. Reformism in the various forms mentioned above is the siren of this event in history, the siren of the “rotting of salt” from the last decades of the 19th century, especially the beginning of the 20th century until today. This event has occurred and the international working class has paid its price in the most terrible way up to the present moment. How long will it pay? The answer lies with the workers of the world. It is necessary to explain a few points here and they are of fundamental importance:
1 – Our entire emphasis in the past has been and continues to be that reformism in all its forms is a solution, a strategy, a twist, a tactic of bourgeois oppositions to make capitalism bearable by deceptively moderating workers’ discontent, changing government paradigms, or changing the form of capital ownership. These oppositions, right or left, seek the greatest benefits from reformism to settle accounts with the ruling sections of the bourgeoisie, to turn the working masses into agents of this settlement. In this regard, they remove the danger of the anti-capitalist movement of the working class from this system. We have tried everywhere, including here, to show that capital, with its political, cultural, ideological, and social structure, produces, pumps, and dumps on the masses of the working class all the mortar and materials necessary for the freezing, petrification, and metamorphosis of the working class in reformism from the earth and sky. In order to transform the working-class movement into a black army for settling their own class scores and perpetuating capitalism, the oppositions within the capitalist class take the greatest advantage of the endless distortion and the torrential enchantment inherent in capital.
2 – This critical analysis of Marxism at the same time points out that the working class, in its social and class existence, is in an irreconcilable essential conflict with capital and the capitalist mode of production. He/she is forced to fight against capital and all the sufferings, the natural, forced misery of the surplus value production relationship. It is capital that subjects him not only to physical, but also to much more terrifying, a thousand times more catastrophic, painful intellectual oppression. It comprehensively, continuously and systematically subjects him to ideological bombardment, engineering of consciousness, architecture of attitude, closes all avenues of the anti-wage labour campaign against him, poisons his thought, enchants his cognition, cripples his feelings and ability to discern. Despite all this, it is in no way, for any period, able to suspend his struggle. The only thing it has managed to do and successfully does is change the course of the struggle, to mislead it.
3 – A profound conclusion of this approach is that not only every reformist, but also some of the standard-bearers of the reformist movement were not and are not necessarily class representatives of the bourgeoisie. Perhaps they are bombs of hatred against the existence of capitalism. Lenin was undoubtedly like that, the large number of Bolshevik workers who led the two February and October revolutions of 1917 in Russia to “victory”, many workers in Iran, while the labour movement of the dark years of Reza Khan’s rule was thrown into the lap of militant leftist reformism, all had an existence filled with anti-capitalist hatred, does their hatred of capital leave room for ignoring the blows they inflicted on the class struggle of the working masses of the world or Iran!!, certainly not. There is no talk of stamping the seal of good and evil on the thoughts, beliefs, and ideological approaches of individuals. The important thing is that first – he recognized the pressure of the fetishist witch power of capital on the course of the campaign and the orientation of the working masses, including their leaders. Secondly – He deeply pondered the prehistory and material foundations of the fall of the world labour movement into the present painful abyss and the catastrophic derailment of the anti-capitalist class struggle.
4 – The entire history of capitalism, the chain of inevitable struggle of the international working class with the system of wage slavery, cries out with the loudest voice that every struggle of this class for the realization of any lowly demand for subsistence, welfare, political, legal, social, health, medicine, treatment, reduction of working hours or against any kind of apartheid, oppression, destruction of nature, environmental pollution can and must have the nature, direction and direction of an anti-wage labour nature, it must be a moment, a ring and a bastion of a clear campaign against wage slavery, otherwise the most famous “victories”, the greatest achievements will be a steel collar on the hands and feet of the labour movement, further strengthening the chains of wage slavery, a sledgehammer on the heads of the workers to destroy their protesting existence in the swamp of the capitalist order. It is the nature of capitalism that if the worker does not combine his daily forced campaign with an indictment against the existence and survival of wage slavery, he will make his capital, his struggle, the power of his class struggle the food of his survival. This is the most important lesson of the materialist, Marx understanding of history. This lesson does not in any way say that workers should or are allowed to despise!! belittle!! the struggle to reduce the pressure of exploitation, improve livelihoods, increase welfare, challenge environmental pollution, reduce gender discrimination, uphold basic human rights, and achieve political and social freedoms, ignore its urgency and necessity. It absolutely does not say this. On the contrary, it says that: all these forms, levels, and arenas of struggle must be continuous links in the chain of the class campaign of the working masses against capitalism. The struggle for a better livelihood, greater prosperity, freedom, equality, eradicating discrimination, uprooting occupation, eradicating poverty and hunger, child labour, ending displacement, and fulfilling every livelihood, political, civil, and social demand can be done in the framework of capitalist reform in peaceful or subversive ways, and it can also be anti-capitalist, radical, and anti-wage slavery. When the demand for more livelihood and welfare is locked to a higher wage, regardless of what the intentions of the workers are, the accepted basis of wages becomes inevitable. When the struggle to gain freedoms, eliminate gender and ethnic discriminations, challenge oppressions, guarantee social rights, at the end of its ascension, changes the government model and changes the government or the ruling political regime, regardless of the ideological beliefs of the rebel masses or the power above them, the foundation of the existence and permanence of capitalism bears the seal of authenticity, credibility, and historical merit. In each of these situations, arenas, movements, whether the struggles are peaceful or militant and subversive is of no importance. By capturing all the barracks, smashing the entire state machine, or even atomic bombing the regimes, the struggle for higher wages, democracy, and changing the ruling political regime cannot be made a struggle to weaken the octopus power of capitalism, strengthen the independent front of the struggle against wage slavery of the working class, or the movement for human liberation!! The opposite is true for the approach of abolishing wage labour and anti-capitalism. The campaign of “excluding livelihood, medicine, treatment, education, shelter, and the necessities of a free and needless human life from the control of buying and selling”, “prohibiting any kind of government interference in human life”, the foundation of wage-earning relations, the basis of the existence of the state above, puts under the pressure of the struggle of the working masses. The feeling of need and urgency for the organization of the Council, the current movement against capitalism, roars in the structure of workers’ thought and consciousness, the architecture of another rail of struggle sets the agenda, brings the working masses into this space where, in this hell of filth and blood of capitalism, they can begin to tear the bonds of wage slavery, ready to elevate their movement to an organized, liberating, anti-capitalist power.
5 – One fact must be accepted. The world working class has never, in any period, dictated its life, work, and campaign to the specific orientation, strategy, and tactics that have been the subject of discussion of the anti-wage labour approach and the spearhead of its activities in the last few decades. The golden phase of the rise of working-class anti-capitalism should be seen in the mid-19th century, the period of the issuance of the “Communist Manifesto”, the emergence of radical Marx’s solutions and strategies of class struggle, the establishment of the First International, the glorious uprising of the Communards, the epic, passionate and hopeful struggle of the European working masses against the capitalists, the solid solidarity of the workers in these struggles. Even in that period, the workers of any country, not even the Communards, until the specific moment of their uprising, did not have the class struggle on their agenda from this perspective, with this narrative, by putting forward these demands, and adopting these tactics. Let us not forget that the demands and measures that Marx, when writing the “Communist Manifesto” and later in the text, proposes to the working-class movement, especially in the most advanced societies, to the most advanced part of the labour movement to blow the trumpets of the “communist revolution”, do not go beyond such things as “the confiscation of property and the use of its proceeds to finance state expenses, heavy progressive taxation, the abolition of inheritance rights, the confiscation of the capital of counter-revolutionary groups, the concentration of credit in the hands of the state through a national bank, the concentration of means of transportation in the hands of the state” and the like. The Communards undoubtedly went far beyond this. They taught Marx and history great lessons with their work. However, there is a clear difference between what they went through and did and what is discussed today by the anti-wage labour approach. These differences are not the discovery of any being; they do not spring from the creativity of any individual. They are the result of a critique of the successive catastrophic defeats that the international working class has suffered. That is why they are important.
6 – To summarize all the points that have been briefly touched upon in this article, we can say that:
First: The path forward for the anti-capitalist approach and the abolition of wage labour within the labour movement is a very difficult, complex, and full of eroding and crushing rocks. This difficulty, complexity, eroding, crushing is not fundamentally and predominantly the result of the police, military, and governmental resistance of the capitalist class, the physical suppression of the working masses by the bourgeoisie, or the organized octopus-like power of capitalism to confront the labour movement. This difficulty is more than anything else due to the unlimited and volcanic capacity of capital to invert and distort realities, to engineer thoughts, to brainwash, and to architect the consciousness of the working masses. This is where reformism is continuously and without interruption, ever stormier, and is pumped into the entire space of thought, life, struggle, and solution of the working class. It makes the workers themselves and their struggles an obstacle to their emancipatory class struggle.
Second: The movement to abolish wage labour is the only movement for the liberation of man in general and the working population of the planet in particular. While this approach faces all the difficulties, rocks, barriers, and iron barriers above, it is the only homogeneous, cohesive, and harmonious self-propelled anti-capitalist movement within the social existence of the working class. The workers of the world have no choice but to take the path of struggle against wage labour, not only for liberation, prosperity, and a better life, but also for survival. Of course, they can and may choose the path of eventual annihilation, destruction, and ruin. There is no particular unchangeable destiny in this. It is not that the world will definitely become a paradise of the abolition of wage labour. It is that if working humanity wants to survive and live, there is no other way before it except communism of the abolition of wage labour. This is not the wish, slogan, or dream of a few people. What capitalism does and cannot do without, it shouts it out loud enough. The approach to abolishing wage labour within the labour movement is not only faced with the darkness of “gnawing stones with teeth, breaking rocks with hands, climbing mountains with nails, walking without crutches, walking miles with lame feet on hot sand.” It also sees the prospect of the dormant volcano of the labour movement becoming active with rebellious tongues of global anti-wage slavery and sees it as the basis for its campaign. It may take a long time, it may not happen at all, but billions of workers around the world, if they want to survive and live, will ultimately have to dig into the chain of failures, dissect their accumulated mistakes, change the course of the campaign, perhaps hundreds of times replace the previous detour with a new one, but finally they must also find and test the path of the anti-capitalist struggle.
Third: The approach to abolishing wage labour is the embodiment of the workers’ anti-capitalist solidarity, empathy, and fusion. It is an approach whose members are also not immune to the heavy pressure of reformism and the impurities, problems, and defects born of capitalism and constantly pumping this system. Instead of paving the way for the masses of workers to turn to the struggle against wage labour, they themselves may more or less fall into the abyss of school work, continue the same hard-hearted reformism as the abolition of wage labour, and become an example of Saadi’s famous poem: “A slave who went to the river to collect flour – the river came and the slave took it.” Therefore, they themselves are forced to constantly present themselves as honest workers’, anti-capitalist homewreckers.
Nasser Paydar July 2026